DEFENCE SERVICES AND THE LOK PAL
The Services need to follow an inclusionary approach
Major Navdeep Singh
The reaction amongst the military community
was euphoric when it came to light that the Parliament had agreed on keeping
the Armed Forces out of the purview of the Lok Pal.
Why the elation, one may ask? The exclusion
only leads to the solidification of the ‘holy cow’ image and a message is sent
out that the Armed Forces do not want the cloak of secrecy to be removed since
there are skeletons to hide, which in fact is not the case at all. Being one of
the cleanest institutions, the Armed Forces must set an example and welcome
probity of any kind rather than revelling in the bloated myth of being ‘different’.
National security and operational aspects
have become the much flogged reasons for circumventing transparency not only in
the defence services but elsewhere too, and the gullible public, including the
lawmakers, buy it in the name of patriotism. But real patriotism would only be
displayed when the uniformed forces go all out to embrace the concept of Lok
Pal in line with the national effort.
Pointed out repeatedly is the theoretical plank
by the defence forces of historically not sparing the guilty in corruption
cases and the strong in-house mechanisms available. However this approach may
be conceptually faulty. Firstly because the system within the forces is not properly
geared up or attuned to handle even normal criminal offences, and secondly,
when the already existing provisions of the Prevention of Corruption Act have
neither effectively worked nor resulted in deterrence in the ‘outside world’,
it would be otiose to expect that the existing system would augur well for the
forces. Yes, the judicial system of the defence services has seen speedier
trials and has been quick in convictions but the question whether it conforms
to the well-established democratic principles of jurisprudence has always
remained debatable. The ratio of the persons tried vis-à-vis those convicted
would establish the effectiveness but not necessarily the correctness of a
system.
The Lok Pal, in whichever format it buds
ultimately, brings to our country an expert body to handle matters related to
corruption. Except areas of national defence wherein security or operational
aspects are involved, all other zones must remain open to the new system as
envisaged. It is common knowledge that defence deals are a major source of
corruption all over the world and involve an interplay of military and civilian
elements. Keeping defence officers out of it would mean that while civilian
officers would face the probity of Lok Pal and the effectiveness of its
expertise, the ones in uniform would continue to be governed by existing laws,
though the offence would be the same and maybe arising out of the same
transaction. Rather than leading to harmonising of procedures, this would lead
to creating utter disarray. It is almost universally agreeable that defence procurement,
supplies, contracts and construction require more rectitude than prevalent, and
logically hence it should hurt none if these aspects are brought under the eye
of the Lok Pal.
Being pleased about having been excluded from
the law of the land which applies to others has a sinister off-shoot. The
differential treatment accorded to defence services in such situations is used
as a plank to deny benefits which are available to others. Already, the
facilities and advantages provided to defence personnel have become pinpricks
leading to sadistic behaviour amongst the policy-making machinery which in turn
stonewalls all progressive proposals for betterment of pay, allowances, status
and pensionary awards to defence personnel. Factors such as availability of subsidised
liquor and soaps from canteens at a rupee less than the market become sore
points and reasons for denial of progression for serving and retired defence
personnel. Otherwise who could explain the fact that today when almost every
officer of the organised Group-A services is retiring with the pay and pension
equal to a Lieutenant General on a non-functional basis even when not actually
promoted with the additional benefit of virtually ‘One Rank One Pension’
through the back-door, most of the military counterparts retire as Colonels.
The
Services Headquarters are focussing more on fortifying the imagery of exclusion
of the military from the others and trumpeting operational facets by placing
the future of millions of serving and retired personnel at stake as far as
their status, pay, allowances and pensions are concerned, by blindly towing the
line and opinion of non-military officers in important wings such as the
‘Personnel Services Directorate’ rather than concentrating on awareness and
amalgamation of the military with the mainstream. For example, the creation of
the concept of ‘Rank Pay’ during the Fourth Pay Commission, and moving away
from normal pay-scales as applicable to all other services, was one such step
which though established the military as ‘different’, resulted not only in
financial loss but utter chaos and degradation of status of military officers,
the after-effects of which are there for all to see with litigation pending on
the subject even three decades later. A Selection Grade Major who used to draw
the pay of a Director of the Central Govt prior to the Fourth Pay Commission is
today granted two steps lower pay which is equal to an Under Secretary to Govt
of India, all thanks to the introduction of the ‘Rank Pay’. The differential,
and sometimes preferential, treatment also means that most progressive concepts
introduced for other services are not made applicable to those in the military
since the defence services are ‘different’. Already the defence services have
no role to play in policy-making or in the Rules
of Business contrary to the system prevalent for their counterparts,
already the military’s internal bureaucracy is busy indulging in self-defeatist
moves which are more harmful than external orchestration and where the end
result is that the welfare, remuneration and pension related provisions are
unilaterally thrust upon defence personnel all because the energies are
focussed on issues which are more ceremonial or pseudo-operational and less
substantial. Thanks to self-imposed exclusionary politics, these are actions
that may result in great pomp & show and chest thumping within the
perimeter of a cantonment, but a slide in the real society from where we all come
from, that society where Lok Pal shall apply. Moving away from the ordinary
populace could well lead to alienation.
Being under the Lok Pal would be beneficial
and not detrimental to the defence services. There is nothing to fear if there
is nothing to hide. All references in the final Act to Group-A officers must
also apply to Commissioned Officers, while those to Group-B and Group-C staff
should be applicable to Junior Commissioned Officers and Other Ranks
respectively. Of course, security, operational and intelligence related aspects
should be totally excluded and the RTI experience could provide a lead in that
arena. Not only would it show that the defence services have no skeletons in
the cupboard and are open to scrutiny from all quarters, but once the annual returns
of prosecutions are made public after the implementation of the Act, it would also
prove, reinforce and strengthen that the levels of corruption in the defence services
are lower than others, and in that sense, the services are truly ‘different’.
Maj Navdeep Singh is a practicing Advocate of
the High Court. He is also the President of the AFT Bar Association. Views
expressed are personal.